Monday, 3 July 2017
Today Russia is quietly staring into a future defined by political upheaval. The recent national protests, on June 13th and March 30th, are just the harbinger of a very real challenge for the Russian government. Across the country Russians are becoming increasingly disillusioned with the endemic government corruption that permeates all level of the Russian state. When combined with the ongoing recession, more Russians are willing to seek a new way.
Not since the failed Snow Revolution has Russia seen this level of organised protest and mobilisation occurring across the nation. While these protest may have been initiated by Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Federation, the fire was already ablaze within a significant segment of Russia’s population.
An Old Problem with No New Answers
The brewing tension and antagonism has been on the Russian government’s radar since 2008, when Vladimir Putin’s acolyte Dimtri Mevedev promised to deal with the increasing problem during his term as President. At the time government officials claimed that corruption was appropriating an estimated one third of the government’s annual budget. Yet the creation of an inter-governmental task force to tackle corruption did little to address the issue. Which is why, since 2011, Vladimir Putin has continued the anti-corruption legislation and rhetoric during his presidential campaign and current term.
The problem is that these measures were too rudimentary. An anti-corruption pledge, the firing of a governor who was caught out and the new criminal measures did little to address the problems which were historically woven into the Russian bureaucracy and society. Thanks to the failures of communism in the Soviet Union, the population of the USSR has often been forced to create a set of secondary channels through which they could obtain necessary goods and services.
These so called ‘blat’ or patronage networks did not fade after the implosion of the USSR. Instead, during the upheaval they became entrenched into every level of the new state apparatus, which thanks to its origins has a disproportionately hefty say over the lives of its people, businesses and economy.
The Economic Fallout
For everyday Russians the impact of corruption can be vast. From simply obtaining a driver’s license to gaining electricity from your local provider or getting basic medical treatment everything is touched. Bribes are even factored into the retail price of groceries and other goods and services. For example truck drivers often have to pay bribes of 50,000 ($926) to 70,000 rubles ($1,300) to policemen along their route and as a result the prices of their goods then rises to cover these hidden payments by the transport firms.
As Lyubov Sobol, a member of Alexei Navalny Anti-Corruption Federation investigating Moscow city corruption, stated,
Everyone who lives in Moscow does not receive the services they are entitled to since a significant percentage (of the budget) gets eaten because the government pays higher prices for goods and services because of corruption and kickbacks,”.
It is worse if you are a foreign firm trying to establish yourself in Russia. Ikea for example recently had 9.3 billion roubles in its Russian subsidiary accounts frozen and had to rely on Boris Titov, the Presidential Commissioner for Entrepreneurs' Rights to rectify the situation. Ikea has been bogged down in Russian corruption since 2007 with ongoing litigation thanks to a well-connected generator supplier, Konstantin Ponomarev.
A Disillusioned Country
The extensive nature of Russia’s state corruption has disillusioned Russians across the country which in turn is encouraging many who are younger to become politically active. Via social media platforms, towns and regions across Russia are now home to mobilised groups who have created civil organisations to rally against state based corruption.
Take the website Beautiful Petersburg, established in 2015, it provides Russians with a way to address corruption of local authorities who are not looking after their towns, cities or regions. It has grown to spread throughout Russia and now provides on the ground support to local groups fighting funding misappropriation or park closures around the country.
This surging opposition to the local and state authorities is not surprising, argues civil rights activist and editor of Russian language magazine The Insider, Roman Dobrokhotov, given how out of touch the Kremlin is with the needs and wants of the younger generations. For many of this so called Putin Generation the rampant corruption has forced them below the poverty line, while those in power enrich themselves and their families. As one protestor from this week’s protest stated "We are against the corruption that is costing the future of our young people,”
No longer trusting the legitimacy of regional and the state authorities this segment of Russian society now wants an answer to this country-wide problem and they are looking directly at Vladimir Putin.
A Risk To Putin?
According to a recent survey two thirds of Russians blame the Russian President for the endemic corruption and 79% percent believe corruption has "completely infected" or "significantly infected" Russia's organs of state power. While many may be calling for Putin’s removal in the 2018 elections, it is unlikely.
Putin has had numerous years in power to build his own vast patronage network and ubiquitously place his clients throughout the state apparatus. From appointing regional governors to city mayors, Putin has had a hand in most political, military and economic appointments. As a result, his control over the state government is absolute.
Putin’s only real challenger, Navalny, will most likely be precluded from entering the 2018 electoral race due to a controversial embezzlement conviction that precludes him from challenging Mr. Putin in next year’s election. But Putin should be aware that Mr. Navalny is winning the long game and that if the Kremlin does not address corruption nationwide the protests will continue to escalate and becoming a constant thorn in Putin’s side.
As demonstrated in the Arab Spring, a young politicized and disaffected youth during times of economic hardship have nothing to lose and everything to gain. Many affected by the corruption appear to still be quietly hoping that Putin will step up and dismantle the corrupt networks. However, given Putin’s need for the patronage apparatus to maintain his hold on power this is unlikely.
Surviving this loss of legitimacy as the economy continues to weaken will be a tough ask for the President and the Russian state. The way forward for authoritarian leaders is generally to fall heavily on the use of aggressive and belligerent tactics against the opposition. However in the case of Russia this will only go so far. Putin’s greatest strength may be his patronage networks but it is also his Achilles heel. In attacking Putin’s cronies, Navalny has brought Putin’s right to rule into question. To maintain his position Putin will be forced to remove some of his closest allies in an attempt to isolate himself from these charges. To do so in the current system will create large scale instability within the state and Mr. Putin will risk losing his network’s support and his position as President.
Tuesday, 16 May 2017
This year, the Iranian economy was slated as the economic market for investment. Thanks to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), institutions such as the World Bank believe that economic growth in the Iran will jump 4.6% from last year creating boom conditions. However, growth in Iran is often contingent on two factors. One is the expansion of oil and gas production, which thanks to the recent OPEC deal is now transpiring. The second is Iran’s relationship with the international community, in particular the United States.
When Iran conducted a series of recent mid-range ballistic missile tests earlier this year, the aftermath saw many market analysts become more cautious about Iran’s economic revival and the security of their clients investments. Citing the unpredictability of the Trump administration, its aggressive policies and the continuation of older sanctions and fines that companies like Amazon are currently facing, there are fears that Iran’s boom may be at risk.
The Problem with Sanctions
Economically, the risk with the older sanctions is that they have spooked many investors including corporations like Apple.
Apple had, from September 2016, been slowly adding Iranian developed I0S apps to its online store, many of which were banking and e-commerce related applications. However, in January, Apple removed many Iranian apps like Digikala, the largest e-commerce site operating in Iran, despite companies like Digikala using the Shaparak payment system which is isolated from international systems thereby not breaching the American regulations.
The new regulations are also spooking the international banking community which is highly suspicious of the current American administration’s reaction to doing business in Iran. Some of the world’s biggest banks who had worked under the previous internationally-accepted trading regime were outraged by the large fines the US banking authorities issued to them and as a result have told their clients that if they want to work in Iran, they will have to find other bankers.
For Iran, this will limit the amount of investment interest in the country and place in doubt many of the larger deals currently in place. Boeing’s deal for example, is shadowed by doubt thanks to their need for the Trump Administration’s approval over any transactions with Iran, and given the current administration’s desire to control Iran through all means this deal faces an uncertain future.
The Rich Keep Getting Richer
Even if these deals do go through, Iran’s economic future is still threatened thanks to endemic governmental corruption. According to Iranian opposition leader, Maryam Rajavi, much of the countries new revenues are being channelled into state enterprises controlled by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) or those run by the Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei’s network and may do little to increase the economic prosperity of Iran. Instead, it is more likely to increase tensions within the society and the government of President Rouhani will bear the brunt of this economic failure in the upcoming electoral process.
Economic Problems will lead to Political Risks
The lack of economic growth and endemic corruption will figure heavily in the hardliner candidates, Ebrahim Raisi and Mohammad Ghalibaf, campaigns’ for this week’s national election. If Iran is to continue an upward economic trajectory and exchange with the west, moderate President Hassan Rouhani needs to consolidate his political grip on the Iranian parliament for another 4 year term. An act he may not be capable of thanks to the failure of economic growth to materialise for the majority of Iranians.
Rouhani is aware that he needed this economic recovery. In 2013 he campaigned and won on a platform of economic reform and the development of civil rights and society. What’s worse is that it was an expected outcome from the 2015 nuclear deal. As hard-line conservative presidential candidate Ebrahim Raisi argued in the first presidential debate on May the 5th, the ‘deal was like a cheque that the government has been unable to cash’.
Instead, the Iranian economy has slumped and Iranian unemployment is at the highest level in 4 years at 12.7 percent with a reported 30.2% percent of those unemployed being highly educated young adults. This combination of high youth unemployment and increasing economic difficulties can be expected to create significant problems for the next Iranian government.
Typically, high youth unemployment when paired with high rates of underemployment, inequality, and the marginalization of educated youth inevitably leads to significant social upheaval, political instability and potential civil violence. A fact that could destroy the gains Iran has made thanks to Rouhani’s government.
The risk of returning the hardliners to power is very real. According to Iranian political analyst Hamid Farahvashian who pointed out that thanks to the ‘uncertainty over Trump’s Iran policies, Iran’s presidential election [on May 19th] and the economic hardship’ there is a real possibility the establishment will give ‘more power to the IRGC (Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps).’ Many of the IRGC’s members are seeking a return to a much more extreme, aggressive, militaristic and repressive strand of national politics; a position support by the Ayatollah Khamenei.
The Middle East at Risk
The threat to the Middle East from Iran under a president like conservative Ebrahim Raisa will be the rise of a more aggressively revolutionary Iranian foreign policy. Currently Iran has a heavy presence in all the flash points throughout the Middle East. From Syria and Iraq, to its sponsorship of the Al Houthi rebels in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Palestine and its aid for Kurdish militias or its support of the more sectarian opposition parties in Bahrain, Iran is a source of instability across the Middle East. Under a conservative government this is expected to get worse. According to experts Iran’s engagement in Yemen and Syria will intensify and there is further belief that they may expand their operations to include Turkey via their current support networks for the Kurdish militias.
Is the Potential For Genuine Economic Growth Gone for Good?
Despite these risks Iran still provides exciting opportunities. European, African and Asian companies are well placed to avoid the fallout from American sanctions and this is where Iran is taking advantage of the energy sector which is predicted to bring in 33 billion in revenue for the next calendar year. China, for example, plans to expand its trade with Iran to 600 billion dollars in ten years as part of its One Belt Initiative to take advantage of these gas deposits. Likewise, India upped its energy imports by nearly 6% to nearly 546,600 barrels per day (bpd).
Iran pharmaceutical manufacturing industry is also predicted to continue its extraordinary growth rapidly thanks to its new global medical market the halal pharmaceuticals program which is attracting investment from the Middle East and South East Asia. While another sector that has potential to avoid any economic contraction is the e-commerce industry which has seen huge growth spurts with the Iranian e-commerce industry overall growing 25% in the Middle East last year.
Even if these sectors are growing, much still depends on the outcome of the election. Investors prefer stable, less volatile, political environments for long term investments and Iran under the conservatives, who plan to do little to address corruption or the youth unemployment crisis, will be a volatile political environment. Under these circumstances Iran could see it’s hope for economic development fail to emerge as the country returns to its position as an international pariah dependent upon Russia and China for its development.
Friday, 24 February 2017
Last week saw the Trump Administration soften its public stance on China. After months of an openly hostile approach, President Trump changed his stance and acquiesced to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s request to honour the prevailing One China Policy that has ruled Sino-American diplomatic relations for the past 40 years.
Both the White House and Xinhua reported that the call was “lengthy” and an “extremely cordial chat” where Presidents Xi and Trump agreed that they would work on strengthening the “mutually beneficial cooperation in trade and economy, investment as well as international affairs”.
Trump Administration Anti-China?
The sudden rapprochement in the previously frosty relations has caught many by surprise. After the demise of the TPP trade deal, political analysts had been focusing on the possibility of a pacific war between the two nations. Primarily this was due to President Trump’s public comments on China prior to his inauguration and the appointment of Steve Bannon as the White House Chief Strategist and Rex Tillerson as Secretary of State. Both of these men have made comments citing the need to militarily engage China, such as the following made by Tillerson at his confirmation hearing.
“We’re going to have to send China a clear signal that, first, the island-building stops and, second, your access to those islands also is not going to be allowed ... They are taking territory or control or declaring control of territories that are not rightfully China’s.”
However, all may not be as it seems. According to Paul Haenle, a veteran US diplomat and director of the Carnegie–Tsinghua Centre in Beijing, the Trump administration’s tough talk on China was all part of a hardball strategy Trump’s team implemented to get China to soften up to Trump’s trade demands.
“Trump had been toying with the notion of trying to use it (One China Policy) to get leverage with the Chinese but was convinced that it was in the US interests to abide by it … Trump was convinced, and rightly so, that the ‘One China’ policy is not something we do because it is good for Beijing. It is in America’s interests.”
Haenle went onto to argue,
“This will open the door now for the US and China to begin to develop the relationship that will allow them to tackle some of the more difficult and contentious issues…… that really need work such as trade, North Korea and the South China Sea.”
Supporting this argument are the statements made by Wang Yi, China’s Foreign Minister, on February 7th in Australia. Wang pointed out that ‘the China-US relationship has defied all kinds of difficulties and has been moving forward continuously,” he continued on to state that any ‘sober-minded politician’ would ‘clearly recognise that there cannot be conflict between China and the United States because both will lose, and both sides cannot afford that.’
Keeping Face or China in Real Trouble
Certainly the quick resolution of these tensions on China’s part is surprising. In recent months the Beijing-run media, a mouthpiece for the Chinese Communist Party, have been highly critical of the new administration.
They have lambasted President Trump for his twitter diplomacy and stated that the U.S. would need to "wage war" to stop the Chinese from accessing their currently disputed South China Sea Island Initiative.
Thus it is questionable as to what caused this sudden change of heart. Although this may have been just a case of keeping face, the pressing domestic problems currently besieging China may point to a different reason.
Behind the scenes the Communist Party is far from stable. The current anti-corruption campaign led by President Xi is ripping apart the elite segments of the ruling party as Xi seeks to eliminate former leader Jiang Zemin’s coterie who had tried to oust him.
Investigating over a million party faithful, the Anti-Corruption Agency has purged over 200 elite members from government bodies, the military, and state-owned enterprises. Very powerful elites, such as the former security czar Zhou Yongkang, and the retired military vice chairs Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, were probed, prosecuted, and imprisoned for life.
The fallout of this purge has left the Chinese Communist Party in a state of flux. To avoid further destabilisation President Xi currently needs to focus on keeping his and his supporters position secure. A situation that may prove difficult given the current economic outlook for China.
Economic Collapse on the Horizon
Domestically, the Chinese economy is at a crossroads according to John Minnich from Market Watch. Thanks to the governments monetary and fiscal stimulus measures the country’s debt has swelled to almost 250% of the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP).
Likewise, corporate debt, the largest portion of China’s total debt, has surged by more than 60% to make up 165% of the GDP. This has created the perfect conditions for a nationwide debt crisis as businesses default and bankruptcies increase along with falling industrial profits and the declining returns on investment.
When combined with the 188 billion dollars of capital that has left the country in the past year, this signals that there is a significant economic readjustment on the horizon.
To offset this potentially devastating downturn, China needs capital investment, in particular America’s trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) in China, to continue. This investment is now in doubt thanks to the cancellation of the TPP and the Trump administrations’ promise to impose tariffs on all Chinese goods coming into America.
President Xi Jinping needs the Sino-American bilateral relations to return to a stable working platform as soon as possible. Without America, Xi could be faced with a destabilised China, on the brink of economic and political collapse. A situation that the Soviet Union demonstrated so clearly in the 1990s is clearly the death knell of authoritarian centralised states.
What is the One China Policy